La mayor parte de América Latina vota a la derecha | RTVE Noticias
La motosierra de Milei llegaba en 2023 a la Casa Rosada prometiendo acabar con la inflación y el gasto público. Siguieron su estela Sanitago Peña en Paraguay y Noboa, el presidente más joven de Ecuador, que anunciaba mano dura frente al crimen organizado, siguiendo el modelo Bukele. El presidente de El Salvador, tras voler a ganar en 2024, aprobó una reforma constitucional que le permite la reelección indefinida. Después la derecha o ultraderecha sumó gobiernos en Panamá, Chile, Bolivia, Honduras, y costa Rica . Y este año se han sumado Keiko Fujimori en Perú y De la Espriella en Colombia. El méxico de Sheinbaum queda así como único gran país del continente con un gobierno de izquierdas... y sufriendo ataques directos de su vecino del norte: Estados Unidos. Más info aquí: Más noticias:
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Trump's 'Shield of the Americas' is more fragile than it seems
President Donald Trump likes to say he is "nine for nine" with the candidates he has backed in Latin America and the Caribbean, and Brazil's Oct. 25 runoff could make it ten. Senator Flávio Bolsonaro led the first round on Oct. 4, and Brazil under his leadership could seek to join the Shield of the Americas, the security coalition Washington launched in March and now presents as proof that the hemisphere has turned its way. How much support do the coalition's current members have at home? Less than Trump's scorecard suggests. In eight of the 11 Shield countries measured by the 2026 round of LAPOP's AmericasBarometer, fielded between October 2025 and June 2026, more respondents would vote for an opposition party than for the president's party or candidate, and in seven of them the gap reached 20 points or more. Survey results indicate that voters grade governments on crime and the cost of living, and the lukewarm voters who once stayed with incumbents have stopped doing so. El Salvador and Costa Rica, where voters have rewarded hard-line security policies, are the clear exceptions, along with Honduras, surveyed in President Nasry Asfura's first months in office. What does a government do when its voters are walking away? Across the coalition, the answer has been to build up the security apparatus, with more military operations, more prisons and wider emergency powers. Washington is covering the bill. On Sept. 15, the State Department told Congress it would shift $52 million in foreign military financing — money budgeted for allies in Europe and the Middle East — to Colombia, Ecuador, Panama and Peru to fight what it called "narcoterrorism in our backyard." Washington had announced plans in August for $1 billion in security assistance to Colombia's new president, Abelardo de la Espriella, whom Trump calls a "worthy champion." U.S. forces also began supporting Ecuadorian military operations in March against groups Washington designates as terrorist organizations. Voters did ask for tougher policing, and these governments are supplying it in the form El Salvador made famous, with mass prisons and emergency law. Costa Rica opens a maximum-security prison for 5,100 inmates on Oct. 14, built at a cost of $35 million on the pattern of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele's CECOT; Bukele himself helped lay its first stone in January. Honduras's Congress approved El Salvador-style prison measures in September at Asfura's request, including isolation for high-risk prisoners. In Chile, José Antonio Kast sent Congress a reform in August that would create a new state of exception for "grave alterations to public security," letting the armed forces deploy in affected zones, along with separate prison regimes for organized crime, but withdrew it in October after it failed to secure enough votes in the Senate. In Ecuador, Daniel Noboa has governed under an "internal armed conflict" declaration since 2024, and on Sept. 16 he decreed another 60-day state of exception across eight provinces, suspending the inviolability of the home and imposing the year's third curfew. Of the 5,023 people arrested during the May curfew, only 717, about 14%, had ties to organized crime, according to Ecuador’s own interior minister. Judging by the survey, two years of emergency rule have bought neither security nor support: 35% of Ecuadorians said they had been crime victims in the past year, the highest rate in the coalition, and 63% felt unsafe in their own neighborhoods. Only 17% said they would vote for Noboa's side. Five of the eight flagging presidents — those in Panama, Guatemala, Paraguay, Chile, and the Dominican Republic — are barred from consecutive terms, so what they entrench is a set of institutions that their successors will inherit. Paraguay's Congress ratified a status-of-forces agreement in March that places U.S. military personnel under U.S. criminal jurisdiction. In January, Guatemala's Bernardo Arévalo declared a 30-day state of siege that suspen…
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